Alan Ryan Bücher

Bertrand Russell was one of the greatest logicians since Aristotle, and one of the most important philosophers of the past two hundred years. In this thorough examination, Alan Ryan tells the story of Russell's "other life" as social critic, polemical journalist, antiwar activist, sage andgadfly, dissenting from Russell's insistence that there was no connection between his philosophical interests and his political allegiances. Taking readers on an entertaining journey through a career that included two spells in jail, Ryan discusses Russell's most visible campaigns--againsttraditional religion, against the First World War, against nuclear weapons, and against the Vietnam War, as well as his lifelong defence of liberalism in education, politics, and relations between the sexes. Throughout he emphasizes the high spirits, the aristocratic fearlessness, and the wonderfulcombination of wit and intelligence that Russell brought to his political writing and actions. The result is a stimulating reconsideration of one of the great intellectual radicals of our time, a remarkable man who refused to grow old, calm down, and become respectable.

Encompassing the whole spectrum of the history and theory of politics from Socrates to Rawls, this is the most comprehensive and scholarly reference work available on the subject. The 350 entries, written by a team of 120 international specialists, are a balanced blend of full-length survey articles and shorter definitions. Key concepts in political thought are defined and analyzed, and ideologies are considered in relation both to historical context and to contemporary politics. All articles are cross-referenced and indexed.

Im ersten Band beschäftigt sich Tocqueville insbesondere mit der Soziologie des US-amerikanischen Staats. Er analysiert nicht nur die Struktur des Bundesstaats, sondern auch den Aufbau der Einzelstaaten, die er als Ergebnis ihrer ethnisch-geografischen und historischen Voraussetzungen beschreibt. Er setzt sich mit der Allgewalt der Mehrheit in der US-amerikanischen Demokratie auseinander, die er als die grösste Gefahr für das Staatswesen betrachtet. In diesem Zusammenhang hebt er u. a. die Bedeutung des unabhängigen Rechtswesens hervor. Mit dem 1840 publizierten zweiten Band beabsichtigt Tocqueville, allgemeine Züge demokratischer Gesellschaften zu zeichnen, von denen bis dahin noch kein vollständiges Modell existierte. Er versucht, zur universellen Problematik einer demokratischen Weltordnung vorzudringen, wobei ihm die Demokratie in den USA lediglich als Folie dient. Dabei analysiert er Probleme, die auch in der Gegenwart nicht an Aktualität verloren haben, wie z. B. das Spannungsverhältnis zwischen den Prinzipien Gleichheit und Freiheit.

This comprehensive history of political thought spans from Herodotus to the present, examining how historians, philosophers, theologians, politicians, and revolutionaries have approached the question of self-governance. It explores numerous related inquiries, such as whether we can manage our own affairs and if we should even attempt it. Throughout history, some have believed that only select individuals—like Greeks over Persians or men over women—were fit for self-governance, while others have argued that governance is best left to a competent elite managing a passive populace. The text also questions the modern understanding of 'freedom' and whether it aligns with historical aspirations. While contemporary thought largely endorses democracy, it contrasts sharply with ancient practices and raises doubts about whether our current systems truly reflect democratic ideals. Alan Ryan engages with the great thinkers of the past, presenting their ideas with clarity and relevance, reminding readers that historical perspectives often resonate more profoundly than modern views. In an era where global challenges seem insurmountable, this work serves as an invaluable guide to understanding the enduring complexities of political thought and governance.

Why do democracies oscillate between success and failure? The current financial crisis exemplifies how things can go awry just when they seem to be improving. In this compelling exploration, David Runciman chronicles modern democracy through key moments of crisis, from World War I to the 2008 economic crash. With a global perspective, particularly on the United States, the narrative examines how democracy has endured various threats, including the Great Depression, the Cuban missile crisis, Watergate, and the Lehman Brothers collapse. It also delves into the confusion stemming from unexpected victories, such as the fall of German autocracy in 1918 and the end of communism in 1989. The book highlights the politicians and thinkers who faced these challenges, including Woodrow Wilson, Nehru, Adenauer, Fukuyama, and Obama. Runciman argues that while democracies are adept at recovering from emergencies, they struggle to prevent them. The recurring lesson learned is that democracies can survive crises, leading to complacency rather than wisdom. This confidence trap fosters the dangerous notion that democracies can navigate any challenge, potentially setting the stage for an insurmountable crisis.

Mark Twain, Jan Morris, P. J. O’Rourke, and Michael Palin are just a few of the contributors to this provocative armchair tour of South Africa, which takes us from Capetown to Soweto, from 1850 to the present. Introduction by the Editor. Map.

Tocqueville's gifts as an observer and commentator on American life and democracy are brought to vivid life in this splendid volume.